Zwedru City is the main city in Grand Gedeh, an amazingly modern
city by Liberian standards. Zwedru was the home of former now earless
(and buried) President Samuel K. Doe who after killing Tubman in 1980 as a low
ranking soldier, ran Liberia for the next 10 years before being ousted, tortured
and assassinated himself. Liberian politicians are not unlike U.S.
Politicians: They take care of their own. Doe made many investments
to Zwedru. The town has smooth paved roads with elevated sidewalks.
There is an electric power grid and at night the streets are illuminated with
hazy yellow light from slanted poles not unlike really tall ignited collapsing
match sticks. There is a wastewater treatment plant. Even Monrovia,
Liberia’s Capital, does not have a waste water treatment plant.
Two-thirds of the population lives in Monrovia but since 2006, all watery
refuse shoots straight into the brilliant ocean that borders the city on its
west up and down
I have travelled to Zwedru to visit two refugee camps located
outside of the city, where the International Rescue Committee (IRC) will be
taking over health care activities beginning December 1. Doctors without
Borders (MSF) has run the health operations at Duogee and Ptp camps since their
opening at the peak of the Ivoirian civil war five months ago, but now that the
situation has stabilized, MSF is moving out. Stable to MSF means that no
one is getting shot at and that there are no epidemics. However heroic
this organizational stance, there are still 52,000 displaced Ivorian refugee in
Grand Gedeh in need of shelter, food, and services. A committee comprised
of UNHCR, the Ministry and the World Health Organization (WHO) selected the IRC
as the only NGO in the country able to fill MSF’s shoes. This is a great
compliment to us but also a heavy burden. MSF comes with its own funding,
staff, drugs, equipment, vehicles and protocols. It is the equivalent of
the medical marines: They land in a place and do a job as they want to do
it. The IRC in the context of development works with Ministries of health
and donors to define an intervention with its outcomes and prerequisite funding
in a lengthy complicated process rife with politics and differences in policy
positions. UNHCR is notorious for asking organizations to accomplish
lofty agendas but then nickel and diming them to the point of ineffectiveness.
The Liberian Ministry’s interest is to retain its extant health workforce, so
tries to set IRC wages at a rate, which will not result in Ministry clinicians
leaving their jobs for greater pay. This may sound reasonable in the name
of “sustainability”, but results in us not being to attract quality staff to
remote places like Zwedru. Under the Ministry rate a physician assistant
gets paid $180 dollars a month and a nurse $135 dollars a month. The IRC
pays its physician assistants $450 and our nurses $350 dollars. Finally,
the WHO basically has no power because it has no money to give and its
scientific stances are backdated by years. Yet it espouses health trivia
like a tool cool for school third wheel intellect on someone else’s date.
It’s annoying and difficult to listen to.
Of course, refugee camps make no sense. I think this as
our car pulls up to Dougee Camp, which currently has a population of 7,500
Ivoirians. People who have suffered need a place to be. These
places must be obviously organized and well run with flowing water, clean
latrines, health facilities, schools for kids to attend, jobs for adults to do,
and tents for families to sleep. But if camps are too nice, you have just
built a city where people will want to stay. The host country is then
saddled with tens of thousands of foreigners to support while it can barely
support its own citizenry, which is the case in Liberia, which is among poorest
countries in the world. What is the balance?